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首頁 > 資料下載 > 海灣地區(qū)的能源價格改革:一種趨勢,但還不是一種規(guī)范Energy Pricing Reforms in the Gulf: A trend but not (yet) a norm
海灣地區(qū)的能源價格改革:一種趨勢,但還不是一種規(guī)范Energy Pricing Reforms in the Gulf: A trend but not (yet) a norm 海灣地區(qū)的能源價格改革:一種趨勢,但還不是一種規(guī)范Energy Pricing Reforms in the Gulf: A trend but not (yet) a norm

海灣地區(qū)的能源價格改革:一種趨勢,但還不是一種規(guī)范Energy Pricing Reforms in the Gulf: A trend but not (yet) a norm

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目前,幾乎所有中東和北非國家,無論是石油進(jìn)口國還是出口國,都經(jīng)歷了某種程度的近期改革,能源定價改革已成為一種區(qū)域趨勢。過去10年的國際油價波動使大多數(shù)國家都必須進(jìn)行改革。在2014年油價暴跌之前,中東和北非進(jìn)口國為補(bǔ)貼國內(nèi)能源消費(fèi)付出了高昂的代價。幾年來,它們必須彌補(bǔ)國內(nèi)低油價與國際高油價之間的價格差距,即每桶100美元以上。與此同時,盡管許多國家開始感受到國內(nèi)能源價格低的不利影響,但出口國通過在國際市場銷售燃料獲得了前所未有的利潤 2014年油價暴跌時,這一切都改變了。隨著國內(nèi)油價與國際油價的價差大幅縮小,進(jìn)口國獲得了一定的喘息空間。然而,出口國受到嚴(yán)重打擊。平均而言,海灣合作委員會(海合會)2成員國的總收入在一年內(nèi)下降了10%(國際貨幣基金組織,2016b)。出于財(cái)政整頓的原因,他們中的許多人除了提高國內(nèi)能源價格之外別無選擇。盡管他們在前幾年已經(jīng)知道創(chuàng)紀(jì)錄的收入,但他們的政治和經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展體系仍然依靠廉價的家庭燃料、電力和水的供應(yīng)來分配租金。多年來,這一體系一直被認(rèn)為是不可持續(xù)的,但直到2014年價格下跌之后,中東和北非地區(qū)的許多出口國才開始意識到這一點(diǎn)。在此之前,由于沒有現(xiàn)實(shí)的緊迫感,改革在政治上是不合理的。

Energy pricing reforms are a regional trend now that nearly all Middle East and North African countries—both oil importers and exporters—have undergone some level of recent reform. The last 10 years of international oil price volatility has made reform a necessity in most countries. Before the oil price collapse of 2014, MENA importing countries were paying a high price for subsidizing domestic energy consumption. They had to cover the price gap between low domestic prices and high international oil prices of more than USD 100 per barrel for several years. At the same time, exporting countries were making unprecedented profits from selling fuel on the international market, even though many started feeling the adverse impacts of low domestic energy prices.1 This all changed when the oil price collapsed in 2014. Importing countries got some breathing space, as the price gap between domestic prices and international oil prices decreased considerably. Exporting countries, however, were severely hit. On average, countries from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)2 saw their total revenues decline by 10 per cent of GDP in one single year (International Monetary Fund [IMF], 2016b). For fiscal consolidation reasons, many of them had simply no choice but to also increase domestic energy prices. Even though they had known record revenues in the years before, their political and economic development systems had continued to rely on rent distribution through the cheap availability of domestic fuel, electricity and water. That system had been heralded as unsustainable for many years, but only after the price drop in 2014 did reality catch up for many of MENA’s exporters. Before that, reforms were not politically justifiable as there was no realistic sense of urgency.

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