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首頁 > 資料下載 > 附帶損害:美國制裁伊朗對巴基斯坦的影響COLLATERAL DAMAGE: THE IMPACT ON PAKISTAN FROM U.S. SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN
附帶損害:美國制裁伊朗對巴基斯坦的影響COLLATERAL DAMAGE: THE IMPACT ON PAKISTAN FROM U.S. SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN 附帶損害:美國制裁伊朗對巴基斯坦的影響COLLATERAL DAMAGE: THE IMPACT ON PAKISTAN FROM U.S. SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN

附帶損害:美國制裁伊朗對巴基斯坦的影響COLLATERAL DAMAGE: THE IMPACT ON PAKISTAN FROM U.S. SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAN

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根據(jù)定義,制裁的目的是給其他人帶來痛苦。但是,在理想的情況下,這種痛苦只能由制裁的目標感到,而制裁的目標則傾向于改變其政策,使之更符合制裁者的利益。然而,盡管許多人認為,現(xiàn)代制裁已經(jīng)變得像“聰明的”炸彈一樣“聰明”,但它們?nèi)匀豢赡苁帧T谑褂弥撇脮r,意外后果是一種公認的現(xiàn)象,但通常只在針對目標的情況下考慮。本文評估了制裁對那些因制裁伊朗天然氣開發(fā)和投資而無法與被制裁實體做生意的人的意外后果。 推動這項研究的問題很簡單:美國對伊朗的制裁(1996年首次在《伊朗-利比亞制裁法》(ILSA)和克林頓總統(tǒng)對伊朗的全面禁運中實施)是否對巴基斯坦產(chǎn)生了明顯的有害影響,如果是的話,會有多大的影響,以何種形式?簡單地說,他們值得嗎? 本文認為,對伊朗實施制裁對巴基斯坦造成了傷害,但需要進行一定程度的反事實分析,才能準確預測如果沒有美國的制裁,巴基斯坦可能在多大程度上以及如何發(fā)展。我還得出結論,美國對伊朗的制裁對牽連巴基斯坦的影響微乎其微,但不可能確定如果沒有制裁制度,制裁制度的效力會受到多大程度的損害。

By definition, sanctions are intended to inflict pain on others. But, ideally constructed, that pain is only felt by the target of the sanctions, which then is inclined to change its policy to something more consistent with the interests of the sanctioner. Yet, notwithstanding many suggestions that modern sanctions have become “smart,” like “smart” bombs, they can still miss. Unintended consequences are a well-established phenomenon in the use of sanctions but are usually considered only in the context of the target. This paper assesses the unintended consequences of sanctions on those who are prevented from doing business with a sanctioned entity—in this case Pakistan’s energy firms due to sanctions against Iranian natural gas development and investment. The question that motivated this research is simple: Did US sanctions against Iran, which were first imposed in 1996 in the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act (ILSA) and in the comprehensive embargo erected by President Clinton against Iran, have a discernable, deleterious impact on Pakistan and if so, how much and in what form? And were they, simply put, worth it? This paper finds that Pakistan was harmed by the imposition of sanctions against Iran, though it requires some degree of counterfactual analysis to divine exactly to what degree and how Pakistan might have developed absent US sanctions. I also conclude that the impact of US sanctions against Iran that implicated Pakistan was marginal but that it is impossible to ascertain how much the effectiveness of the sanctions regime would have been impaired in their absence.

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